*** Krishna worhsip and Rathayatra festival in Ancient Egypt? by Bibhu Dev Misra ***

An interesting piece of information caught my attention during my journey across the sacred sites of Egypt during early 2010. During the light and sound show in the magnificent temple complex of Karnak, I heard a voice booming over the loudspeakers: “I am Amon-Ra…The waters of the Nile sprout from my sandals.” This immediately reminded me of the Vedic Creator God Vishnu. In the typical depiction of Vishnu in Hindu iconography, the sacred river Ganges is always shown emerging from the toe of the Vishnu, while in Egypt, we find a very similar imagery associated with Amun. But who was Amun? I knew that Amun was the presiding diety of Karnak, and he was worshipped there as the Creator God, along with his wife Mut, and his son Khonsu.

The next day, while discussing about the light and sound show with my tour guide, he suddenly gave me another piece of information that I was not aware of, and that took me completely by surprise: “Amun was always depicted in funerary art and temple inscriptions with a ‘blue skin colour’ and having two feathers in his headdress.”

Now, if anyone ever travels to India, and he talks to the people there about a god having a blue skin colour, with a couple of feathers in his headdress, and from whose sandals or toes a ‘sacred river’ emerges, he will get a single answer: Vishnu, or more correctly Krishna, for it is Krishna who was always depicted with two ‘peacock’ feathers in his headdress. This realization has significant implications. Krishna is an exclusively Indian diety, whose demise in 3102 BC signified the start of the present Kali Yuga in the Vedic Yuga system. Amun on the other hand, was not worshipped in Egypt prior to the establishment of the Temple complex at Thebes. He is mentioned in the creation myth of Hermopolis as one of the four pairs of divinities who were present in the Primeval Waters of Nun. As Amun-Amaunet, he represented the ‘hidden’ properties of the Primordial Ocean. However, he was not a part of the Egyptian Ennead, the Divine Company of Gods, who were the primary deities of worship. But suddenly at Karnak, sometime during the Middle Kingdom, Amun usurped the position of Atum, as the head of the state patheon. He became the self-engendered Creator God; an early Twelfth-Dynasty inscription in the jubilee chapel of King Senusret I (c.1965 – c.1920 BC) at Karnak describes Amun as ‘the king of the gods’. Current evidence indicates that the construction of the temple complex at Luxor and Karnak may have started as early as the Middle Kingdom (c.2055 – c.1650 BC), although the buildings visible today date from the reign of Amenhotep III (c.1390 – c.1352 BC), the great temple builder of the Eighteenth Dynasty. What could have trigerred his precipitous rise to the head of the Egyptian pantheon from relative obscurity as a diety of the Primeval Ocean? And how did a whole new patheon of deities, along with associated symbolisms, rites and rituals, with gigantic temple complexes dedicated to them, suddenly spring up in Egypt during the Middle Kingdom?

I was also taken aback by the descriptions of the annual Opet festival that used to be celebrated in Karnak, during the season of the flooding of the Nile. In this grand festival, the idols of Amun, Mut and Khonsu were placed on sacred barques, which were carried in a splendid, joyous procession down the Avenue of the Sphinxes, along the 2 mile road that connects the temples of Karnak and Luxor. The celebrations have been depicted in detail on the walls of the Great Colonnade at Luxor. At Karnak, the idols of the Thebian triad were first ceremoniously washed and magnificently dressed with colorful linen and precious jewellery and placed on sacred barques (boats). The pharaoh then offered his obeisances to the barques, which were then carried by the priests, accompanied by musicians, and soldiers carrying standards decorated with brilliant plumes and streamers. Elegantly decorated horse drawn chariots, would also accompany the procession. Huge crowds of people gathered along the road, blowing trumpets, dancing and singing, clapping, offering prayers, burning incense sticks and generally raising a tremendous din. Nubian musicians and female acrobats entertained the crowd. The barques rested along the way at six way-stations that were built by Queen Hatshepsut. Once the idols reached Luxor Temple, the coronation rites of the king were repeated in a sacred ritual, which effectively transferred the power of divine ruleship from Amun to the pharaoh. The idols rested in Luxor for a period of time and subsequently came back to Karnak, in another procession along the river Nile. Although the Opet festival was initially celebrated over only 11 days, later it was extended to nearly 24 to 27 days. The festival not only symbolized a restoration of the divine right of the king to rule, but also signified a rejuvenation of the creative forces of the cosmos, through the sacred rituals and boisterous celebrations.

Amazingly enough, an exactly similar festival is still celebrated every year in the tiny coastal town of Puri, in the state of Orissa in eastern India, after the onset of monsoon in the month of July. Here, in the yearly Rathayatra festival, the idols of Krishna (or Jagannath), his brother Balaram and his sister Subhadra are carried in three magnificent chariots pulled by thousands of devotees along the 2 km (1.5 mile) road that connects the Jagannath Temple to the Gundicha Temple. I had the good fortune of being able to witness this grand spectacle last year. An immense collection of humanity had descended on Puri on this day from all over India. The actual festival, of course, had started nearly two weeks earlier when the idols of Krishna, Balaram and Subhadra were given a ritual bath and redecorated. On the day of the Rathayatra, the idols were installed on the three massive chariots, nearly 45 feet high, which had been constructed for the three deities. The chariots were kept outside the Jagannath Temple walls and the endless stream of devotees blew conch-shells and played trumpets as soon as the idols were brought out of the temple and placed in the chariots. Then the King of Puri paid his obeisance to each of the chariots. He sprinkled sacred water on the chariots, and swept the chariots clean with his golden broom. The chariots then started making their way along the Grand Avenue one by one, pulled by ropes by the thousands of devotees. Needless to say a considerable din ensured. There was loud chanting and singing, beating of drums and blaring of trumpets, as the procession slowly made its way to the Gundicha Temple. The chariots stopped at many points along the way, in order to provide an opportunity to the devotees to catch a glimpse of the idols inside the chariot and offer their prayers. It is said that one who observes the face of Jagannath during the Rathyatra festival gets absolved of all past sins. I did not accompany the procession the entire way to the Gundicha Temple. But what happens is that, after the procession reaches the Gundicha Temple, the idols rest there for a period of 7 days. After this they return back to the Temple of Jagannath, in another joyous, noisy procession known as the Ulta-Rath. The entire celebration, starting from day of Jagannath’s bathing ceremony, till his return from the Gundicha Temple, lasts for 25-26 days, nearly the same as the Opet festival of Karnak and Luxor.

The similarities between these two ancient festivals are obvious and striking. There was no doubt in my mind that the Opet festival of Karnak is identical in form and spirit to the Rathayatra festival of Puri.
As per Vedic accounts, the festival of Rathayatra has been celebrated in India for thousands of years, although the current Temple of Jagannath only dates from the 12th century CE. The festival has been mentioned in multiple Puranas, which are Vedic historical documents of unknown antiquity. The Skanda Purana states that the first Jagannath Temple was established in Puri in the Krita Yuga, which, as per the currently accepted Yuga Cycle doctrines, began at around 10,900 BC. Since Jagannath refers to Vishnu i.e. the Lord of the Universe, he was worshipped in different forms in the different Yugas. In the Kali Yuga he is worshipped in the form of Krishna. The Skanda Purana also specifies the date of the Rathyatra festival. In many other Vedic documents such as the Narada Purana, Padma Purana and the Ramayana, the virtues of worshipping Jagannath have been extolled. The festival is, therefore, indubitably Vedic in origin.

That would imply that this ancient festival, along with the cult of Krishna, Balaram and Subhadra was transferred from India to Egypt, sometime prior to 2000 BC!

That is a phenomenal idea. Although we know that Indian traders had extensive trade relations with the first Pharaohs of dynastic Egypt in 3000 BC, and sold them cotton, muslin, spices, gold and ivory, such a major influence of India on Egyptian religious systems has not been explicitly identified by historians till now. Some scholars have, however, pointed out the similarity between the culture of Egypt and Eastern India. Peter Von Bohlen, a German Indologist, mentioned that there are elements of folk art, language, place names and rural culture of Bengal (the state adjacent to Orissa and included in it in ancient times) which have an affinity with their Egyptian counterparts. However, when you consider the fact that an entire pantheon along with associated ceremonies and rituals seems to have been exported to Egypt from India, it appears that the Pharaohs of Egypt and the Emperors of India must have maintained very close relations since ancient times. This ‘pantheon’ transfer would have been possible only through express royal patronage. But when and why did this happen?  Who all were involved?

We know that when the Hyskos invaders of Egypt were finally evicted from the country after 200 years of occupation, the pharaohs Kames and Ahmes had fought under the banner of their new-found god – Amun. This event which took place in 1580 BC, signified the beginning of the 18th dynasty, which is acknowledged as the greatest royal families of Egypt. Amun became the supreme protector god of the monarchy and the state and his priesthood gained immense power. Magnificent temple complexes dedicated to Amun were established in Thebes. Is it possible, therefore, that this ‘pantheon transfer’ from India to Egypt was also accompanied by a transfer of armed forces which resulted in the defeat of the Hyskos invaders and the reunification of entire Egypt under the Pharaohs?

Interestingly, the people of Egypt themselves claimed to have come from a land called ‘Puanit’ (corrupted to ‘Punt’) located on the shores of the Indian Ocean. Punt was referred to as the ‘Gods land’ or the ‘land of gods and ancestors’. Punt can be reached leading off the Red Sea, in a south-east direction, and is described by the scholar Dr. Adolf Erman as ‘a distant country washed by the great seas, full of valleys, incense, balsum, precious metals and stones; rich in animals, cheetahs, panthers, dog-headed apes and long tailed monkeys, winged creatures with strange feathers to fly up to the boughs of wonderful trees, especially the incense tree and the coconut trees.’ These descriptions strongly suggest that Punt may be a reference to India. The ancient maritime trade routes, popularly known as the Silk Route, led from Egypt in a south-east direction, to the flourishing ports on the western and eastern coasts of India. Along these ancient routes, Egyptian and Indian ships plied back and forth since unknown antiquity, carrying precious objects of trade such as gold, ivory, myrrh, incense etc.

Col. Henry Steel Olcott, a former president of the Theosophical Society, explained in the March, 1881 edition of The Theosophist that, “by the pictorial hieroglyphic inscription found on the walls of the temple of the Queen Haslitop (Hatshepsut) at Der-el-babri, we see that this Punt can be no other than India. For many ages the Egyptians traded with their old homes, and the reference here made by them to the names of the Princes of Punt (King Parahu and Queen Ati) and its fauna and flora, especially the nomenclature of various precious woods to be found but in India, leave us scarcely room for the smallest doubt that the old civilization of Egypt is the direct outcome of that the older India.” The expedition of Hatshepsut to the land of Punt was done primarily with the objective of acquiring incense and a number of exotic goods, which she dedicated to Amun, the presiding diety of Thebes. Does that not indicate that ‘Punt’ and ‘Amun’ may somehow be connected? Is it possible that Hatshepsut felt that by bringing these items from the land of her forefathers, and from the place where Amun himself had originated, she would be performing a great service to her ‘father’, Amun, and thereby acquire his blessings.

That India may be Punt, should not come as a great surprise, since it is now widely accepted that Hindu traders colonized Ethiopia. The earliest Ethiopian tradition says that they came from a land situated near the mouth of the Indus, and this has been confirmed by the testimony of Eusebius and Philostratus. In the seventh century, St. Isidore made a summary in his Encyclopedia of knowledge derived from ancient Greek and Latin authors, many of whose works have now disappeared. Regarding ‘Ethiopians’ he says in his Etymologiarium (IX.2.128): “They came in ancient times from the River Indus, established themselves in Egypt between the Nile and the sea, towards the south, in the equatorial regions. Arnold Hermann Ludwig Heeren (1760-1842) an Egyptologist has observed (Historical Researches – Heeran p. 309): “It is perfectly agreeable to Hindu manners that colonies from India, i.e., Banian families should have passed over Africa, and carried with them their industry, and perhaps also their religious worship.” “Whatever weight may be attached to Indian tradition and the express testimony of Eusebius confirming the report of migrations from the banks of the Indus into Egypt, there is certainly nothing improbable in the event itself, as a desire of gain would have formed a sufficient inducement.”

Many questions are raised here. If Punt is India, then when did the ancient Egyptians migrate to the shores of the Nile from Punt? If we assume that the migration took place sometime around 3000 BC, at the beginning of the ‘Kali Yuga’, then who built the Giza Pyamids? Since the Pyramid complex at Giza has now been dated to around 10,500 BC (Hancock and Bauval), and since this magnificent pyramid complex is entirely devoid of any hieroglyphic engravings or inscriptions, which is very unlike the Egyptian pysche, it raises the question whether the Giza Pyramid complex was built by the ancient Egyptians or by others before them. Is it possible that was it built by a ‘race of giants’ who built similar megalithic structures around the world, including many of them in Mesoamerica? Maybe the arrival of the ancient Egyptians to the shores of the Nile from the distant Punt displaced this ‘race of giants’ and a new civilization was initiated? Whatever be the truth about ancient Egypt, it is clear that we are barely scratching the surface of it in the present times.

All images, courtesy Bibhu’s blog.

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…The government ban on construction in Demchok, one of the disputed points in eastern Ladakh, is riling residents, who claim that the Chinese side is speedily ramping up its infrastructure and the Centre is just ‘watching’

..Even the Leh administration cannot go ahead with any construction activity here without getting it approved from the Ministry of Defence and the Ministry of External Affairs.

“When China is steadily building infrastructure on its side, there is no point in imposing restrictions on us,” says Gurmet Dorje, who hails from the area and is an elected councillor in the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council.

Demchok is not just any other town in Ladakh. It is on the “Line of Actual Control” between India and China. It also has a long history of “complaints” (and more recently, “warnings”) by the Chinese.  More than 2 years back, in December 2009, China had apparently lodged its protest with India regarding construction of a road in Demchok. More recently, The Tribune newspaper claimed it had

…obtained pictures of Chinese soldiers holding red-coloured banners to warn local residents in the area. “This is the Line of Actual Control, you are on Chinese Territory,” read the banners.

The “history” of Chinese incursions in Demchok goes back to at least a few years...Writing in Jan ’08, Tarun Vijay cautioned us about taking this matter lightly:

Thupstan Chhewang, belonging to the Royals of Leh is a highly respected Ladakhi leader who was once president of Ladakh Congress party. His one member party in Parliament is supporting UPA… His unassuming soft spoken personality exudes confidence and a rare dedication for the cause of his people and the nation. If he has raised an alarm on the Chinese incursions in Ladakh it must be taken seriously.

Of late Ladakh has been witnessing a continuous trespassing by Chinese shepherds and soldiers in Chushul area where we fought a famous war of Trishul mountains led by Major Shaitan Singh (who received Param Vir Chakra after his and his brave men’s bodies were discovered one year after their martyrdom) and in the vast grass lands near Demchok.

…Chinese are known to enter our region in a clandestine manner. In the initial stage they would do it through innocent passages into our territory using shepherds, soldiers and traders. If caught, they would say, oh nothing to worry we simply went wayward.

If not, it continues for years, the intruders would leave their marks, some properties and cattle too. Make some permanent bases. Later these small ‘marks’ would be used to claim that ‘since ages’ Chinese have been using that piece of land – see the ‘proofs’!

We were caught napping during Kargil intrusion. When patriotic Ladakhi shepherds told the Army about Pakistani intrusions initially, it was not taken seriously. In the same way alarms about the latest Chinese intrusion are being taken lightly and in some ‘strategic’ quarters its being suggested that such talks would hamper the growing trade between the two nations.

In Jan ’10, work was abandoned on a road construction project under veiled threats from Chinese:

…The letter (from a village in Ladakh) says that Chinese army officers have been threatening labourers who are making a road under the NREGA scheme.The threats are verbal, but they are enough for the workers to completely abandon the project.

LAHDC Chairman Chering Dorjay said, “People of Demochok were building a road under NREGA scheme, while doing they were threatened by Chinese army. It’s not true that Government had asked them to stop work, people stopped work after they were threatened and subsequently we reported the matter to Deputy Commissioner (DC), Leh.

…Ladakhi authorities say that last January (i.e. in 2009), Chinese army men went as far as to enter Indian territory and assault nomads camping on the winter pastures.Dorjay said, “They came in large numbers and verbally threatened our people and there are incidents when they physically assaulted our people. Last year they burnt one of the tents of our nomad Demchok winter pastures.” In the past, in Ladakh, Chinese helicopters have violated the airspace and their troops had walked way inside Indian territory and painted on the rocks, perhaps all these signs are enough for the Indian side to sit and take a strong note.

This was followed by another “warning” and halting of work in October last year (2010).  Although some brave words were uttered by an ex-CM in response, nothing came out of it…

…Former Jammu & Kashmir chief minister Farooq Abdullah has threatened China of revenge in Leh during summer amid reports of “incursions” into Indian territory in J&K’s Ladakh region.

Farooq Abdullah told reporters in Jammu on Sunday that India will show its strength during summer as there is extreme cold this time in Leh.

The “Establishment” played down these incidents and put them on “perceptional differences about the Line of Actual Control“. But a crucial slip of tongue almost went unnoticed. While referring to Demchok, here is what Chief of Army General VK Singh said:

In this particular case, the so-called T Point… is an area (through which) the Chinese have, over a period of time, felt that the LAC passes through.

That sounded familiar. So I did some digging. Sure enough, this was part of a pattern. So how exactly did the Chinese stance evolve over a period of time? Thanks to Google, I stumbled on this news-report from Aug 2005. That report had “Brigadier Manvendra Singh…officer in charge of the area“, quoted as saying:

Not a single shot has been exchanged in the area (Demchok) and there is complete peace.

What happened between 2005 – 2011? And was this change from an environment of “complete peace” to incremental aggression a well-calibrated Chinese tactic? There are reasons to worry…A PTI report from Jan ’10 mentions how their is unanimity amongst officials that:

..we (India) are withdrawing from LAC and our area has shrunk over a period of time. Though this process (is) very slow but we have lost substantial amount of land in 20-25 years

Why does this matter? While I am hardly qualified to comment on the strategic importance (or otherwise) of Demchok, one thing is clear. It would be a mistake to ignore Demchok as just another sleepy town in the mountains…For one, it is bang on the border with India’s most dangerous strategic rival. It is also possibly the shortest (and easiest) route to Kailash Mansarovar.

Related Post: Inch by inch, slowly but surely, we keep loosing territory…

The Param Vir Chakra is awarded for most conspicuous bravery or some daring or pre-eminent act of valour or self sacrifice, in the presence of the enemy, whether on land, at sea, or in the air. The decoration may be awarded posthumously.

*** Saluting our Heores – Major R Parameshwaran, PVC ***

This is my humble tribute to Major R Parameshwaran, a Param Veer who sacrificed his life on this date,  23 years ago.

Late October 1987, somewhere in northern Sri Lanka: “Operation Pawan” – the campaign in Jaffna that began with LTTE firing at Indian Patrols and killing 4 CRPF Jawans and five unarmed para commandos – is finally winding down. The IPKF have prevailed in spite of the intense and vicious opposition from the Tigers.  Although the town has now been secured, operations are continuing against the LTTE cadres. Jaffna Fort is still under LTTE control and casaualties continue to mount with every passing day.

To compound IPKF’s problems, it is becoming impossible to distinguish between the guerillas and civilians. IPKF commanders are worried by increasing instances of surprise attacks by the Tigers in which they open fire on IPKF units and merge back into the civilian population. Sepoy Govindan, Madras Regiment, says

It was impossible to say who was a Tiger and who was not. Everyone male or female above the age of 10, could be armed and dangerous. We saw little girls producing guns from under their frocks and shooting at us. How do you fight them?

In deployment since August, the men of 8 Mahar have been facing some of the toughest resistance from LTTE cadres in the last few weeks. It is late into the night of 25th November, 1987. Major Parameswaran is returning back to the camp with his column after a search operation.

Unbeknownst to them, their path leads straight to an LTTE ambush. As the column of 8 Mahar finds itself trapped, their commander Major Parameshwaran exhibits remarkable presence of mind and exemplary courage.

He encircles the Tigers from the rear and boldly charges at them. The LTTE cadres are taken completely by surprise. In the hand-to-hand combat that follows, Major Paramehwaran is shot in the chest.

Undaunted by his serious injury, he snatches a rifle from a LTTE cadre, shoots him dead and although critically wounded, continues to give orders, inspiring his command to fight.  He kills 2 more LTTE cadres before breathing his last.  Hours later, the ambush is finally cleared, leaving in its wake five dead LTTE cadres and Major Parameshwaran. The men of 8 Mahar also seize a cache of arms, including three rifles & two rocket launchers.

CITATION

Major Ramaswamy Parameswaran, 8 MAHAR (IC-32907)

On 25 November 1987, when Major Ramaswamy Parameswaran was returning from search operation in Sri Lanka, late at night, his column was ambushed by a group of militants. With cool presence of mind, he encircled the militants from the rear and charged into them, taking them completely surprise. During the hand-to-hand combat, a militant shot him in the chest. Undaunted, Major Parameswaran snatched the rifle from the militant and shot him dead. Gravely wounded, he continued to give orders and inspired his command till he breathed his last. Five militants were killed and three rifles and two rocket launchers were recovered and the ambush was cleared .

Major Ramaswamy Parameswaran displayed the most conspicuous gallantry and thought nothing of dying at his post.

As you go about your day today, please spare a moment to remember our heroes..and please share this story of extraordinary courage and valour with your friends and family.

Related Category of posts: National Heroes

Saluting our Heroes: The “Param Vir Chakra” series

On this auspicious day, let us pledge to do our best to get rid of the three major evils that plague India – poverty, illiteracy and an ineffective, incapable & thoroughly corrupt political leadership – and promise ourselves to work towards building a proud, strong and united Bharat….

And as you go about your day today, please spare a thought for the forgotten residents of Deganga – “Humiliated and simmering with rage, abandoned and forsaken by their own“ - who are not celebrating their most important festival this year.  Below, a photograph taken during the immersion of the icon of Goddess Durga at the Ichamati river that divides India and Bangladesh.  The other side of the river is Satkhira in Khulna district of Bangladesh. Satkhira is just a few kilometres east of Deganga. The immersion of Durga images at Ichamati is supposed to be quite a spectacle and an occassion of great festivities on both sides of the border. The Hindus of Deganga are unlikely to be at Ichamati this year.

Photograph Courtesy: Press Information Bureau of India.

Somewhat Related: Looting, Clashes, Sec 144, Flag March: The Curious Incident in Deganga

“Probably the most important event in (Assam) during the last 25 years — an event, moreover, which seems likely to alter permanently the whole future of Assam and the whole structure of Assamese culture and civilization — has been the invasion of a vast horde of land-hungry Bengali immigrants, mostly Muslims, from the districts of (Bangladesh)” You might think I am quoting a contemporary BJP leader. These are, in fact, words of C S Mullan, census commissioner under the British Raj. He made these comments in 1931. If you thought that the issue of “illegal immigrants from Bangladesh” is a recent one, then think again.

Demographic change in the erstwhile Assam province in the first half of the twentieth century was at the heart of the Muslim League’s demand, in the 1940s, that the territory be given to Pakistan. So those who argue that large-scale immigration from Bangladesh is one of the biggest long-term threats to India’s national security are right.

Unfortunately, there are certain issues with the “work-permits” idea that he has broached. For one, his optimism about the “politics” of the matter may be misplaced. Instead of gaining from a “solution”  to this issue, Congress’ fortunes may actually suffer if/when the Assamese realise the extent and magnitude of the problem. And I dont think offering work-permits adds any more credibility to the BJP’s demand for repatriation of illegal migrants. More importantly, he appears to miss the critical “vote-bank” that this group represents. It is not an exxageration to say that in several constituencies in Assam (particularly along the border), this group is the effective “King-maker” (LINK TO ULFA/ MULTA)

The other challenge is in the “other half of the solution”. Nitin suggests (rightly) that the scheme will only be effective if an accurate record of Indian citizens is maintained.

The other half involves the ability to positively identity an Indian citizen. This is where Aadhaar, the Indian UID, launched last month…

That said, I am pretty certain he realises that UID is not about citizenship – it is more about establishing an “identity” – and to the best of my knowledge, it is going to be based on the National Population Register. The population register is not the same as a record of citizens (or citizenship) and it would therefore be wrong and misleading to use that as  the basis for establishing citizenship (the fact that this is exactly what is very likely to happen is  a topic for a separate discussion).

Which begs the question, are work-permits still a good idea? I tend to think so…but I am keen to hear others’ views too…

The post also prompted me to dig into my archives for these three articles from a while ago. They are enough to make you worried about Assam this weekend…Brief excerpts below. The first from Assam: Demographic Jitters by Wasbir Hussain (Associate Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management, New Delhi; Consulting Editor, The Sentinel, Guwahati; emphasis added):

…The 2001 Census put Assam’s population at 26,655,528. Of this, 17,296,455 were recorded as Hindus and 8,240,611 Muslims. Among the critical elements made public by the Census authorities is the fact that six of Assam’s 27 districts have a majority Muslim population. The district of Barpeta tops the list with 977,943 Muslims and 662,066 Hindus. The other five districts where Muslims constitute a majority: Dhubri, Goalpara, Nagaon, Karimganj and Hailakandi.

The issue of Muslim population growth in Assam has a disturbing resonance. The State has long been in the grip of a murky politics of citizenship over the issue of unabated illegal migration from adjoining Bangladesh, with which it shares a 262 kilometre long border. The particular significance of the recently released Census data is the fact that the rates of growth of Muslim populations are the highest precisely in the districts that share a border with, or lie close to the border with, Bangladesh – particularly Dhubri, Barpeta, Karimganj and Hailakandi – giving credence to the widely held belief that illegal migration from Bangladesh was the source of these demographic trends. Such migration clearly continues unhindered, despite the barbed-wire fence being erected in stretches and the presence of the Border Security Force (BSF) along the border.

A look at the census figures of 1971 and 1991 (there was no census in Assam in 1981 due to unrest in the State) shows that there has been a steady to rapid rise in the Muslim population in districts proximate to the border, confirming apprehensions of a continuing illegal influx. This, perhaps, goes a long way to explain the rather high Muslim growth rate in Assam, estimated at 77.42 per cent between 1971 and 1991.

…The population explosion in Bangladesh, with 2.8 million added every year in one of the poorest and most densely populated countries in the world, creates the push factors for this silent demographic invasion. These are, however, compounded by an expansionist political ideology, implicitly or explicitly supported in the corridors of power in Bangladesh: the idea of Lebensraum (‘living space’), which has been variously projected by the country’s leadership for a long time, though the use of the expression itself is relatively recent.

…In November 1998, the then Governor of Assam, Lt. Gen. (Retd) S.K.Sinha presented a 42-page official report to the President of India on ‘Illegal Migration into Assam,’ noting:

As a result of population movement from Bangladesh, the spectre looms large of the indigenous people of Assam being reduced to a minority in their home state… This silent and invidious demographic invasion of Assam may result in the loss of the geo-strategically vital districts of Lower Assam [on the border with Bangladesh]. The influx of these illegal migrants is turning these districts into a Muslim majority region. It will then only be a matter of time when a demand for their merger with Bangladesh may be made…

If current trends of inflow of population continue unchecked, the security implications, not only for Assam, but for the entire Northeast region, could be disastrous.

From another article by Wasbir Hussain, some more startling facts, “The Muslim Factor in Assam Politics”:

Muslims comprise 30.9 per cent of Assam’s 26.6 million people. Six of the State’s 27 districts have a Muslim majority population and the community is believed to control the electoral verdict in 60 of Assam’s 126 Assembly constituencies.

…the fact remains that Muslims are a key factor in Assam’s electoral politics. Therefore, even the AGP, which had earlier collaborated with the BJP in the State elections, held a ‘religious minority convention’ in Guwahati in March 2005. The conclave had decided to form a ‘religious minority cell’ to work for the socio-economic upliftment of the “comparatively backward religious minorities” in the State.

…There is need, however, to make a clear distinction between the indigenous Assamese-speaking Muslims and Bangladeshi migrants before analyzing the demographic, security or political implications of such population growth. The growth rate of Muslims in districts far from the Bangladesh border varied between 30 and 50 per cent (1971-1991) while it was more than 60 per cent during the same period in areas bordering Bangladesh. Therefore, when one talks of Muslim vote bank and so on in Assam, one is actually talking about the role of the settlers and not necessarily that of the indigenous Assamese-speaking Muslims. This point is often missed.

And finally some historical context to this issue that has roots in British pre-independence policies. Excerpts from India’s north-east: target of British Apartheid by Ramtanu Maitra & Susan Maitra, published in 1995 – but still relevant (emphasis added):

Continuing terrorist actions and violent demonstrations over the last five decades have turned India’s North-east into a dangerous place. Large-scale introduction of narcotics and arms from neighboring Myanmar (Burma) and China has made this strategically crucial area a potential theatre of violent secessionist movements.

…both New Delhi and the residents of north-east India are marching recklessly along the very path prescribed by the British Raj in 1862, when it laid down the law of apartheid to isolate “the tribals.” While it is not clear how long this fateful road is, there is little doubt what awaits them at the end.

…Assam has been cut up into many states since Britain’s exit. The autonomous regions of Karbi Anglong, Bodo Autonomous Region, and Meghalaya were all part of pre-independence Assam. Citing the influx of Bengali Muslims since the 1947 formation of East Pakistan, which became Bangladesh in 1971, the locals demand the ouster of these “foreigners” from their soil. Two violent movements in Assam, the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and the Bodo Security Force (BdSF), are now practically demanding “ethnic cleansing” in their respective areas.To fund their movements, both the ULFA and the BdSF have been trafficking heroin and other narcotics, and indulging in killing sprees against other ethnic groups and against Delhi’s law-and-order machinery. Both these groups have also developed close links with other major guerrilla-terrorist groups operating in the area, including the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Muivah) and the People’s Liberation Army in Manipur.

Assam, unlike most other areas of the north-east, was better integrated with mainstream India prior to independence; Assam participated in the national independence movement and contributed much to India’s intellectual and cultural wealth. Today, however, instead of encouraging its sons and daughters to train themselves in science and technology, and entrepreneurship, Assam has engulfed itself in mindless bloodletting.

…The root cause of the problem is the conditions set in place by British rule in the north-east since 1826 and the formation of East Pakistan in 1947. New Delhi’s inability to integrate the region stems from its failure to recognize that the British Raj had converted north-east India into a human zoo, where each tribe was allowed to roam free within its “own territory,” but was not allowed to cross the boundaries set forth by their British masters and establish contact with the rest of India.

…In 1838, the East India Company assumed charge of the government of Assam, in order to enhance trade and commerce, and sacked the Ahom king, who had been its “protected prince” since 1826. In the early years, the company had often run into trouble with the tribals, and clashes between the two were routinely reported.The decision to isolate the tribals came about in 1873 through the promulgation of the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation. However, the policy of declaring the North-east Frontier Agency (NEFA) a secluded area had been advocated long before. Section 2 of the regulation empowered the company “to prescribe and from time to time alter by notification, a line to be called the Inner Line and to prohibit any subject living outside the area from living or moving therein.” Thus, the British policy of apartheid in north-east India was implemented in the tribal area of the District of Lakhimpur in September 1875, and in the District of Darrang in March 1876.

…Soon enough, the British Crown introduced two other features – proselytization of Christianity among the tribal population and recruiting units of the Frontier Constabulary. The Land of the Nagas was identified as “virgin soil” for planting Christianity. “Among a people so thoroughly primitive, and so independent of religious profession, we might reasonably expect missionary zeal would be most successful,” according to the 1875 document, as quoted in the Descriptive Account of Assam, by William Robinson and Angus Hamilton. Missionaries were encouraged to open government-aided schools in the Naga Hills.Between 1891 and 1901, the number of native Christians increased 128%. The chief proselytizers were the Welsh Presbyterians, headquartered in Khasi and the Jaintia Hills. British Baptists were given the franchise of the Mizo (Lushai) and Naga Hills, and the Baptist mission was set up in 1836.

…By the time the nineteenth century came to an end, the British were deeply involved in the “Great Game.” At this point, north-east India became the theatre of a new gambit. The British plan was to set up a buffer state between China-Central Asia-Russia, and British India. The British split Bengal and joined part of it to sparsely populated Assam, in order to form a Muslim-majority state as the western flank of the buffer state.

…The ultimate apartheid in the North-east came with the partition of India and the formation of East Pakistan, which in 1971 became the independent nation of Bangladesh. With the partition of Bengal, North-east India became practically isolated, connected to the mainland through a narrow corridor running between Nepal and Bangladesh. The southern North-eastern states have no railroads and are accessible from the mainland by road, air, and sea. There is no railroad in Tripura, Mizoram, Meghalaya, Manipur, Nagaland, and Arunachal Pradesh.

Thoughts and comments, welcome as always – particularly on the work-permit idea.

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Islamisation of north-east is now a real threat…

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