India – Pakistan: Notes from an Island

About two weeks ago,�the Royal Society of Arts in UK, together with�Tehelka, organised a Summit on India and Pakistan in London. It had a stellar line up of speakers and panelists (Jaswant Singh, Farooq Abduallh, Arun Jaitley, Mushahid Husain, Imran Khan, Asma Jehangir, Ram Jethmalani…et al) and I am sure it generated a lot of animated discussions…

I am delighted to present a guest post by my dear friend Ashutosh who attended the summit and graciously agreed to pen down his thoughts to share with everyone on this blog…Ashutosh has a blue-chip CV and he left McKinsey a few years ago to start his own consulting firm in London…Needless to say, he also has a deep and abiding interest in politics and international affairs. Without further ado, here are Ashutosh’s thoughts…in two separate posts…This is the first one (emphasis is mine).

*** POST BEGINS ***

Allow me to begin by saying that I attended the events over two days wearing essentially two separate hats- one that of a politically aware global citizen (after all �vasudhaiva kutumbakam� has not been a more relevant concept that today and best describes the world view of us expat desis) and the second more practical hat of a energy geo-politics analyst (and there is probably no other region than the sub-continent where geo-politics of nuclear- natural gas- renewable energy and climate change is most relevant, fragile and least appreciated); my thoughts on the meeting therefore are in that sequence…

As a relatively more aware follower of international affairs- I question the need to have any reconciliatory relationship with Pakistan. What follows is a brief summary of my thoughts…

A]�Pakistan wants India to forget the recent past (and in my view the most important past of the last 60 years) and reflect on our much longer history before…when we were one country.

If the meeting was about burying the past and moving forward- well it was a very good first step but we have barely scratched the surface in establishing trust at a human level. One example of self contradiction- Mushahid Hussain opening his speech by greeting (read insinuating) the audience in every other language and style but (conspicuously) avoiding�a single hindu greeting like �namaskaar� and then closing his speech (suggesting to India) by – �Thoda Dil Bada Karein�- this was just one example of several self contradictions in Mushahid�s speech.� Grow up dude, look at that inexperienced Sachin Pilot, measured and moderated responses in face of insinuations- logical and consistent- through out.

B]�Search for that sameness – another theme that came out…�We are similar �so there is no reason we cannot move forward�.�

Well- I challenge this notion of sameness- yes , we have common food habits, similar languages and to some extent a common civilization but our life experiences of the last 60 or more years driven by our national ethos have been totally different. Tolerance versus Fanaticism-� and so have emerged our relative positions as a function of our individual national ethos.�

Why should we desperately seek out that same-ness and struggle in this relationship?� When we deal with China, be it at a Governemnt level or in business, the first thing we do is recognize our differences- much stronger footing to craft our way forward. Pakistan and India may have common history and gene pool but our ethos is totally different- we will not only struggle but even get frustrated more easily in making this relationship work.� Lets recognize our differences first- tolerance v/s fanaticism then figure out what is the relative value at stake for each of us!
�
C] Don�t Use the T-word. If you do, then at least don�t use it as IT (Islamic Terrorism)…

Will someone please explain to me why not? Speaker after speaker mentioned that terrorism has no place in Islam. Good passionate rhetoric but frankly this is the 800 pound gorilla in the room and calling it militancy or freedom struggle ain�t any good, any more. Well done Tarun Vijay, for bringing it out into the open, chapter and verse with examples included. Of course no answer/response was forthcoming except a Humphrey Appleby-esque �Don�t use the T word and if you do don�t call it IT�

 

D] Why this stance towards India? and Why now?� It was clearly spelt out- �Anti-Indian-ism is now replaced by Anti-Americanism in Pakistan�– coming from a known India basher like Mushahid Hussain…

One can only imagine how much anger is now directed to a far away enemy, for us- their arch foe next door one should only imagine the reaction we will have to experience if anger towards America turns to frustration- because of inability to inflict damage due to distance or economic/ military incapability.

Also now, think if India-US relationships continue on their onwards and upwards swing where would you expect this frustration to be directed?

E] Please don�t let� Israel be your role model, India – Perhaps one reason why this stance and why now could be gleaned from Imran Khan�s remarks. His plea seemed something like this- please stay away from the US, you don�t know how cruel they are. Look how they are openly supporting Israel, look how difficult it has become for us to have any solution with Israel. They don�t even negotiate, they simply take unilateral action.

F] Why should we (India) work to repair this relationship? And why now? What does India gain, is that gain material compared to the opportunity to shape international affairs in the rest of the world?

Will someone please help me answer this question? Just because we have a temperamental neighbour and we cannot change our address does it mean we have to be the initiators of that truce? Even if that were to be our stated stance, why now? Why not allow a failing Pakistan to simply implode? This question did cross my mind.

G] Pakistan’s psyche and world view – This point was more brought into focus when I experienced some more Pakistani self-belief/ arrogance, first hand…The background is�this….I had just finished reading �Deception- Pakistan, The United States and the Global Nuclear Weapons Conspiracy� -a blow by blow account of the activities of Dr A Q Khan and the Pakistani Nuclear Establishment by well known international journalists- Cathrine Scott-Clark and Adrian Levy. I began by asking Lt Gen Durrani (who was a speaker at the Seminar) if he had read it. He replied �No and I wouldn�t� I asked him why- was he uncomfortable with the facts? What followed was a treatise on facts and self belief…

On being asked how as head of ISI (1991-92) he felt when in his tenure, the US funds stopped due to the revoking of the Pressler Amendment and Pakistan faced no other alternative than to earn export dollars though nuclear technology exports- which were led by Dr Khan and his organization at Kahuta? What were his thoughts on the �facts� presented in that book? � The answer by Gen Durrani was fascinating and insightful in understanding the establishment psyche in Pakistan:

there are facts one knows and then facts one doesn�t know, so on the whole, facts don�t matter much in our (line of) work. Besides I am absolutely certain that Dr Khan broke no international laws in his activities. What one must work with is belief- self belief,� and then choose from the events facts that substantiate ones actions

The tone of honesty and matter of fact-ness in his response smashed to smithereens any hopes I had of any possible positive relationship with Pakistan. How do you deal with �belief� – Here is a nation that still believes it can do what it believes and present a cogent picture to the world!� It believes its foreign policy need not change, it has done no wrong and of course fanatic Islamic terrorism has nothing to do with this place.�

So tell me why� and how should we hope to have any meaningful and positive engagement with Pakistan? We can have some trade, sure! We can even export some of our bollywood films, yes but what else? Can we really deal with this mindset of self belief? If this self belief/world view is what it is then what progress can one expect on the Islamic Terrorism front? And can we really hope to move any co-operation agenda unless the 800 pound gorilla is dealt with first?
�
I came back � now firm in my belief too�- (that) no meaningful dialogue with Pakistan is worthwhile unless there is evidence of suo motu curbing of terrorist activity in and by Pakistan – be it in India or any other part of the world; and no policy of negotiation be followed where terrorist activity is involved.

*** END OF PART-I ***

In Part-2, Ashutosh will share his thoughts on�the coming energy crisis, the “politics” of energy, climate change and the Iran-Pakistan pipeline…Stay tuned for more.

In the meantime, comments and thoughts welcome…Ashutosh has promised to respond to comments and is willing to engage in a discussion…

Related Posts:

INDIA – PAKISTAN: LESSONS FROM THE RUINS�(I)�

INDIA – PAKISTAN: LESSONS FROM THE RUINS (II)�

and an Excellent factual background to the Kashmir Issue�

P.S. Ashutosh has not vetted�this final draft so all blame for any typos, spelling erros and�mis-interpretation and/or mis-understanding lies with me..

B Shantanu

Political Activist, Blogger, Advisor to start-ups, Seed investor. One time VC and ex-Diplomat. Failed mushroom farmer; ex Radio Jockey. Currently involved in Reclaiming India - One Step at a Time.

You may also like...

14 Responses

  1. Anirban says:

    I agree absolutely with Ashutosh’s firm belief – that no dialogue with Pakistan is possible unless there is a suo motu curbing of terrorism. Was interested in knowing the proceedings of the Dialogue – thank you for highlighting it. it gives a clear insight into the minds that have run or profess to run Pakistan. Don’t know how many here will undertsnad the sub-text!

  2. Ashutosh says:

    Hi Shantanu,
    Perhaps my thoughts appear to go slightly against the grain on the tehelka article but the Kabul blasts that killed our countrymen underscore the point I was making- we should not turn down the heat if Pakistan engages in terrorist activity outside the country as well.

    As if any substantiation of a need for more resolute stance was required- it is useful to gauge the undertone of the statements made by M K Narayanan today (emphasis mine)- At one level they are what one has been dearly hoping for but at another they still seem a bit weak; I feel that if Mr Narayanan had a little more confidence in the media that he was speaking to he would have been slightly more direct. (If it would have then sounded more like an Israeli statement- so be it. We need an externalisation/outreach programme that is more direct and yet very sophisticated in its design). Kudos to Mr Narayanan- at least someone wants the facts to be called facts and not insinuations.

    Perhaps if he was more confident that the headline would not appear the next day- “Narayanan threatens war!” he would have spoken his mind.

    The MKN statement is reproduced below:

    “We not only suspect but we have a fair amount of intelligence (on the involvement of Pakistan),” National Security Advisor M K Narayanan told Times Now news channel when asked whether India suspects Pakistan’s involvement in the attack.”

    The people of this country deserve to know the facts rather than being carried away by people who make statements that these are insinuations. There are no insinuations,” he said. Four Indians, including an IFS officer and a Brigadier of the Indian Army, were killed in the blast caused by a suicide bomber driving an explosive-laden Toyota Corolla.

    The NSA said there was a need to retaliate to such acts of terror. “I think we need to pay back in the same coin. We are quite clear in our mind,” he said. When asked who should be paid back, he replied, “Those who are responsible.

    “Narayanan said India-Pakistan relations were sought to be improved through a comprehensive dialogue mechanism.”The anti-terror mechanism was one piece of this picture. The hope was that in course of time both sides would share whatever information they have and come up with a holistic idea of what was going on,” he said.

    “Talk-talk is better than fight-fight. But it hasn’t worked so far. In some way, we haven’t arrived at the decision that we should go for fight-fight so let talk-talk continue for the moment,” Narayanan said.

  3. v.c.krishnan says:

    Dear Sir,
    All this talk – talk is getting to no where.
    The Indians have to keep it going as otherwise all their tall talk of Gandhigiri etc. will be thrown back on them.
    The Indian public and the people of India are doomed to liuve with this hell, as unles we bell the cat, that Gandhigiri cannot work with these inhuman, can I introduce a new word? – inanimals like inhumans – They know only one language and that just give them back as they give it to us and damn all the Javed’s Teestas Swamis and Azmi’s.
    Let us talk to them in the language they understand. No niceties please.
    My future and what I leave for my future generations need not have Gandhigiri, but let them be safe!!!
    Regards,
    vck

  4. B Shantanu says:

    If anymore evidence was needed about Pakistan’s role in cross-border terrorism against India:

    “The latest assessment pegs the number of terrorist-training camps still operating across the border at about 40,” said Army Chief General Deepak Kapoor, in an exclusive interview with TOI. [ link ]

  5. B Shantanu says:

    From a review of “Pakistan’s westward drift” (Pervez Hoodbhoy) by Vijay Vikram (School of International Relations, University of St Andrews) in Pragati issue dt. 19th Oct 2008

    Dr Hoodbhoy goes on to argue that this was a deliberate policy adopted twenty five years ago by the Pakistani government and is driven by a belief that Pakistan must exchange its South Asian identity for an Arab-Muslim in order to better define itself in contrast to India. For example, prayers in government departments were deemed compulsory and floggings were carried out publicly.In the 21st century however, there is no need for the state to impose strict Islam, as there is a spontaneous groundswell of religious zeal in contemporary Pakistan. The notion of an Islamic state is more popular than ever, as people turn to Islam to rescue a failing state.

    Moreover, the Pakistani village has undergone a transformation, thanks in part to the return of Pakistani labourers from Arab countries. Village mosques are now “giant madrassas that propagate hard-line Salafi and Deobandi beliefs through oversized loudspeakers.”

    In fact, Punjabis who tended to be relatively liberal on gender issues are increasingly taking a Talibanesque view on the matter. However, it is school militarism that emerges as the most significant issue.

    Dr Hoodbhoy argues that the militancy that bedevils Pakistan’s tribal areas as well as its cities as well is a result of an education system that propagates Islam as a complete code of life and is designed to engender a siege mentality in the mind of the child. In fact, a government-approved social studies textbook for Class V students prescribes that the child should “Understand Hindu-Muslim differences and the resultant need for Pakistan”.

    Dr Hoodbhoy attributes Pakistan’s Arabization or “Saudisation” to the Zia regime and the Afghan jihad. With active assistance from Saudi Arabia, General Zia established a network of over 22,000 madrassas across the length and breadth of Pakistan. It is these madrassas that provided the US-Saudi alliance with willing recruits for the anti-Soviet jihad.

    In the end, Pakistan’s future will be determined by the ideological and political battle between citizens who want a theocratic state and those who want a modern Islamic republic.

  6. B Shantanu says:

    More on Pakistani Textbooks. A review of Yvette Claire Roser’s “Islamisation of Pakistani Social Studies Textbooks” by Yoginder Sikand.

    Excerpts below:

    …This incisive critique of state-sponsored social science textbooks in Pakistan highlights the convoluted politics of historiography and what this means for the production of a ‘social commonsense’ for a state’s citizenry. Although Roser does not say it in so many words, the current turbulent political scenario in Pakistan, in particular the rise of radical Islamist forces in the country, cannot be seen as inseparable from the narrow political agenda that the Pakistani state, ever since its formation, has consistently sought to pursue as is reflected in the social science textbooks that it has commissioned, and through which it has sought to impose its own ideology on its people.

    Ross’s study focuses on the textbooks used in Pakistani school for the compulsory subject called ‘Pakistan Studies’, which was introduced in the reign of the American-backed military dictator General Zia ul-Haq in the mid-1970s. Pakistan Studies replaced the teaching of History and Geography, and was moulded in such a fashion as to instill in students an undying and unquestioning loyalty to the official ‘Ideology of Pakistan’ (called the nazariya-e Pakistan, in Urdu). This ideology, questioning which is considered a punishable crime in the country, is based on the far-fetched and completely bankrupt notion of the Muslims and Hindus of the pre-Partition Indian subcontinent as constituting two homogeneous and wholly irreconcilable ‘nations’. (Incidentally, this is the same perverse logic that underlies radical Hindutva in India). It claims that Muslims and Hindus have never been able to live amicably together, that they have always been opposed to each other, that they share nothing in common, and that, hence, it was but natural that Pakistan should come into being for the sake of the Muslims of South Asia.

    There are several defining and characteristic features of the Pakistani social science textbooks that Rosser examines. Firstly, as she notes, their extreme anti-Indianism. This is a reflection of the fact that the ‘Ideology of Pakistan’, indeed the very rationale for the creation and continued existence of the state of Pakistan, is premised on the notion of undying and perpetual hatred of and opposition to India. India thus comes to be presented as viscerally opposed to Pakistan and as constituting a mortal threat to its very existence. In this way, a form of Pakistani nationalism is sought to be fostered through the texts that is hyper-chauvinistic, and one that is based on a constant reinforcement of an almost crippling sense of being besieged by what is projected as an ‘evil’ neighbor.

    Secondly, and linked to the anti-Indianism that pervades these texts, are the repeated negative and hostile references to the Hindus and their faith. Hinduism is portrayed and projected in wholly negative terms, as if lacking any appreciable elements at all. Its followers are presented in a similarly unflattering way: as allegedly mean and cruel, and constantly scheming against Muslims and their faith. Hindus, like Muslims, thus come to be presented in strikingly stereotypical terms: the former as virulently hostile enemies, and the latter as brave soldiers in the path of God. They are portrayed as two solid, monolithic blocs, and as being without any internal differences whatsoever, of class, class, gender, region, language, political orientation and ethnicity. The only identity that they are projected as possessing is that of religion, which is presented in starkly reified terms that often have little resonance with empirical reality. In the process, the diverse, often contradictory, interpretations, expressions and the lived realities of Islam and Hinduism in South Asia are completely ignored in favour of extreme literalist, ‘orthodox’ and textual understandings. ‘Popular’ religious traditions, such as certain forms of Sufism and Bhakti, that bring people of diverse communal backgrounds together, are totally ignored, because they obviously stridently contradict the claims of the ‘two-nation’ theory.

    Thirdly, the textbooks present Pakistani history as synonymous with the history of political conquests by successive Muslim rulers, starting with the Arab commander Muhammad bin Qasim in the mid seventh century. All these invaders and rulers, so the books piously claim, were goaded by a powerful sense of religious mission to establish ‘Islamic’ rule in the region. This alleged religious aspiration of theirs is presented as having finally culminated in the creation of Pakistan in 1947. Contrary to what is popularly known about him, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the ideological founder of Pakistan, is presented as an ‘orthodox’ Muslim, allegedly inspired by the vision of establishing an ‘Islamic’ state run by Muslim clerics—something which was not the case at all. The fact that most of the Muslim rulers and conquerors that these texts lionise might actually have been inspired by less noble motives—to plunder or rule—is, of course, conveniently ignored. Religion—in this case Islam—thus comes to be seen and projected as the sole motor of history, with other factors, such as power and economics, having, at best, only a minor role to play. The history of South Asia before Muhammad bin Qasim is hardly mentioned at all, although it was in what is Pakistan today that the Indus Valley Civilisation flourished, that the invading Aryans composed the Vedas and that Buddhism led to a great flourishing of various arts and sciences.

    In other words, every effort is made in the textbooks to present Pakistan as an extension of ‘Muslim’ West Asia, instead of a part of the Indic-dominated South Asia. Not surprisingly, as Rosser observes, the texts single out particular historical figures who are known for their battles against Hindu rulers as heroes, among these the most important being Muhammad bin Qasim, Mamhud Ghaznavi and Aurangzeb. Other Muslim rulers, most notably Akbar, who sought to reconcile Hindus and Muslims and promote a generous ecumenism, are either totally ignored or else reviled as alleged ‘enemies of Islam’. Furthermore, these figures, of both ‘heroes’ and ‘villains’, are isolated from their historical contexts, leading to biography turning into hagiography or demonology, as the case might be, in order to serve the agenda of the advocates of the ‘two nation’ theory.

    The same holds true in the texts’ depictions of certain key Muslim religious figures. Thus, ‘orthodox’ ulema or Islamic clerics who stressed the claim of the inferiority of the Hindus and advised Muslim rulers to take harsh measures against them are hailed as heroes of Islam, while others, including many Sufis, who sought to preach love and tolerance between Muslims and others and preached an ethical monotheism transcending narrowly-inscribed boundaries of community, are conveniently left out or else branded as ‘un-Islamic’…

    Read the full review here.

  7. Kaffir says:

    Nice review by Mr. Sikand, but I noticed that he couldn’t help but mention Hindutva at the end, to try for some moral equivalence – even though what Hindutva espouses is not taught in Indian history books. I am always puzzled by this very overt pattern by some writers and their logic (could one of them please explain this in a write-up?) where they always mention some criticism of Hindus (or India) when they are critical of any aspect of Islam/Muslims (or Pakistan). But they don’t do the same when they are criticizing India or Hindus.

    Do they think that Muslim readers are immature who cannot handle criticism? Is it fear? Is it their sense of being “fair” (but their fairness goes only one-way)?

    I wish these authors were a little more honest and brave, and less politically-correct, and didn’t feel the need to mention Hindu mistakes when criticizing Muslim mistakes, unless there was a context to it.

  8. B Shantanu says:

    @ Kaffir: This is called having a “balanced perspective”…

    😐

    (another reader who alerted me to the review, spotted this too)

  9. 19G subhash says:

    To Ashutosh: the reality is that Pakistan is much more threatened by Taliban & Co. than India. The Taliban wants to control Pakistan in the short term and form a pact with Islamic Iran in the long term. Your almost exclusive focus on India vs. Pakistan is shortsighted in my view. India should work at all levels and in all forums worldwide to marginalize Pakistan and expose it as a desperate failing state.

  10. B Shantanu says:

    From Pakistan schools teach Hindu hatred: US commission, published in The Pioneer 09 NOVEMBER 2011 (Via AP ISLAMABAD)
    Text books in Pakistani schools foster prejudice and intolerance of Hindus and Christians, while most teachers view religious minorities as “enemies of Islam”, according to a study by a US government commission released today.
    The findings indicate how deeply ingrained hardline Islam is in Pakistan and help explain why militancy is often supported, tolerated or excused in the country.
    ..
    The Islamisation of textbooks began under the US-backed rule of army dictator General Zia-ul-Haq, who courted Islamists to support his rule. In 2006, the government announced plans to reform the curriculum to address the problematic content, but that has not been done, it said.
    Pakistan’s Islamist and right-wing polity would likely oppose any efforts to change the curriculum, and the government has shown no desire to challenge them on the issue. The report found systematic negative portrayals of minorities, especially Hindus and, to a lesser extent, Christians. Hindus make up more than one per cent of Pakistan’s 180 million people, while Christians represent around two percent. Some estimates put the numbers higher.

  11. B Shantanu says:

    Placing here for the record: “How Education Fuels Terrorism In Pakistan: Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy’s Presentation”
    Pakistani nuclear physicist and Fulbright scholar Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy’s presentation at a seminar on “Role of education in combating terrorism” at King’s College, London, UK in June 2012
    http://www.scribd.com/doc/98851124/How-Education-Fuels-Terrorism-In-Pakistan-Dr-Pervez-Hoodbhoy-s-Presentation

    from which this excerpt:
    EXCERPTS FROM CURRICULUM DOCUMENT FOR CLASSES K-V
    National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks
    Federal Ministry of Education, 1995

    Social Studies: At the completion of Class-V, the child should be able to:

    “Acknowledge and identify forces that may be working against Pakistan.”[pg154]
    “Demonstrate by actions a belief in the fear of Allah.” [pg154]
    “Make speeches on Jehad and Shahadat” [pg154]
    “Understand Hindu-Muslim differences and the resultant need for Pakistan.” [pg154]
    “India’s evil designs against Pakistan.” [pg154]
    “Be safe from rumour mongers who spread false news” [pg158]
    “Visit police stations” [pg158]
    “Collect pictures of policemen, soldiers, and National Guards” [pg158]
    “Demonstrate respect for the leaders of Pakistan” [pg153]

  12. B Shantanu says:

    Excerpt from Past is prologue, the future is history by Mehmal,a Pakistani blogger:

    ..In a report conducted by Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) in 2002 on the state of curricula and textbooks in Pakistan, one writer says: “In Pakistan, the impression one gets from textbooks on the subjects of Social/Pakistan studies is that students do not learn history. Rather, they are forced to read a carefully crafted collection of falsehoods and fairy tales. History has been used to churn out a mythology about the struggle that led to the creation of Pakistan.” The report further states: “The books on Social Studies systematically misrepresent events that have happened throughout Pakistan’s history, including those which are within living memory of many people. This history is narrated with distortions and omissions…Worse, the material is presented in ways that encourage the student to marginalise and be hostile towards other social groups and people in the region.”

    It is no secret that our history textbooks have always been full of venom against anything Indian, especially Hindus. The SDPI report also tells how hate material is spread through our textbooks. Examples cited from various textbooks include, “The Hindu has always been an enemy of Islam…Hindus worship in temples which are very narrow and dark places, where they worship idols. Only one person can enter the temple at a time. In our mosques, on the other hand, all Muslims can say their prayers together…The Hindus, who have always been opportunists, cooperated with the English.” It is as if the Hindus had nothing better to do than trying to outdo the Muslims and usurp their rights. This in turn leads to intolerance.

  13. B Shantanu says:

    Excerpts from Is the Taj Mahal Pakistani? By S. Akbar Zaidi, Published Mar 01, 2014:
    …..this is an absurd question. How on earth could the Taj Mahal ‘be Pakistani’ and claim a nationality which was only imagined 400 years after the mausoleum was constructed, and one hopes that no one in their senses would ask such a preposterous question.

    Yet, in a class of undergraduate students at one of Pakistan’s best universities, precisely this question was animatedly debated during a session on Pakistan’s history, with some students stating that the Taj was part of Pakistan’s history, and others implying that it was ‘Pakistani’.

    These students had all taken a course in Pakistan Studies prior to starting their undergraduate degree. Clearly, the highly controversial and contested nature of how history is constructed in Pakistan, given the numerous possibilities of framing a history of Pakistan, allows for multiple competing narratives, including a claim to the Taj ‘being’ Pakistani.

    Pakistani history has been a contentious topic where different sets of narratives give differing accounts of what Pakistani history is and, hence, how one imagines Pakistan.

    Given the eventual partition of British India and the creation of Pakistan, some historians have claimed that Pakistan was ‘created’ in 712 AD when an Arab invader came to what is now part of Pakistan.

    This is incorrectly called the beginning of Muslim contact with what is now referred to as South Asia, yet it supports one of the many official narratives of when Muslim ‘consciousness’ and identity were created in this region…

  14. B Shantanu says:

    Placing this excellent link here for the record: HISTORIOGRAPHY IN PAKISTAN by YVETTE ROSSER, NOVEMBER 8, 2014