“China: Will India repeat the mistakes of 1962?” – Excerpts

I alluded to Claude Arpi’s excellent article in my previous post, “India, China and Arunachal Pradesh...are we missing something?” and promised some excerpts. Here they are:

Excerpts:

“But let us go back two years earlier. In April 1954, India and China had signed the ‘Agreement on Trade and Intercourse between the Tibet region of China and India,’ known as the ‘Panchsheel Agreement.’

Less than three months later, the first Chinese intrusions occurred on the Tibet-UP border (in a place called Barahoti). It was the beginning of hundreds of such intrusions.

…Delhi did not know how to react. A few days later, Nehru wrote to the foreign secretary: “I agree with the suggestion made in the office memorandum sent by the Ministry of External Affairs to the effect that it would not be desirable for this question to be raised in the Lok Sabha at the present stage.”

The policy of the Indian government was to keep the matter quiet and eventually mention the matter ‘informally’ to the Chinese government.

…But Nehru did have some doubts. The next day, he wrote again to the foreign secretary: “This is a serious matter and we cannot accept this [Chinese] position. The [BSF] must remain there even at the cost of conflict.  We would not permit them to go any further and if they did not go back, we would have to take further steps in the matter.”

Finally, the MEA informed Beijing that “The government of India are pained and surprised at this conduct of the Chinese commanding officer.”

This note was one of the first of hundreds of notes, memoranda and letters exchanged by the two governments. But this copious correspondence did not stop the Chinese from maintaining their claims. The Chinese probably knew that it would not go further than ‘regret notes’.

The notes/memoranda war continued till the fateful day of October 1962. …This was the background of Zhou’s first visit to India, during which the Indian prime minister had the occasion to have long talks with his Chinese counterpart on diverse topics such the policies of the Roosevelt administration or the happenings in Hungary.

It was Zhou who took the initiative to bring up the situation in Tibet. He gave a long briefing to the Indian PM on the historical status of the Land of Snows, while Nehru kept quiet about the intrusions.

…Nehru never brought up the border question though Zhou made some stray remarks on Tibet and the border

…Tragically Nehru did not take this golden opportunity to forcefully denounce the Chinese intrusions across the Indian border. Instead, he preferred to remain rather vague: “The border is a high mountain border and sparsely populated. Apart from the major question, there are also small questions about two miles here and two miles there. But if we agree on some principle, namely, the principle of previous normal practice or the principle of watershed, we can also settle these other small points.”

Once again these important points were considered ‘small’ or ‘petty’ issues.

A few days later, the Indian Prime Minister wrote to the Foreign Secretary: “Although [Zhou] thought that this line, established by British imperialists, was not fair, nevertheless, because it was an accomplished fact and because of the friendly relations which existed between China and the countries concerned, namely, the Chinese government were of the opinion that they should give recognition to this McMahon Line.”

Will the present Government in Delhi follow the same ostrich policy as Nehru’s and pretend that there is no problem between friends? Or will they have the courage to put all ticklish issues on the table? If they don’t they may have to wait another 50 years to see a true friendship with China.”

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4 Responses

  1. B Shantanu says:

    From MYTH THAT MUST BE BUSTED AT EARLIEST by Claude Arpi, 10 April 2014:


    It is necessary to come back to the Henderson-Brooks-Bhagat Report and the role played by Neville Maxwell. The Australian journalist, who recently ‘released’ the famous report by posting it on his website, has been propagating a wrong interpretation of history, that India attacked China in 1962. Even presuming that Indian troops may have crossed what the Chinese perceived as the international border, many other factors have to be taken into consideration.

    At age 87, why Maxwell remains a great advocate of China’s theory that India was the aggressor, is a mystery to me. It is not that I have any doubt that Nehru committed blunder after blunder, but Maxwell’s version is truly a biased over-simplification of the facts.

    Reading the HBBR does not show that India forced a war on China, it just proves that India was not prepared to successfully defend some new forward positions ordered by Krishna Menon (and Nehru) in North-East Frontier Agency and Ladakh. It is undoubtedly a Himalayan blunder in itself; it demonstrates the foolishness of the Prime Minister (and his arrogant Defence Minister), but it was certainly not the root-cause of the War. The ‘forward policy’ was, however, the ideal pretext for Mao Tse-tung to show that India could not go unpunished for insulting China by giving refuge to the Dalai Lama and his followers.


    The question of how India could attack without arms, ammunitions, clothing, food or basic supplies is not explained. The HBBR even says that some Indian troops starved for days.

    However, many other factors came into play, but first and foremost the flight of the Dalai Lama in March/April 1959 and his subsequent asylum in India, changed the rapport between India and China. This is an aspect that Maxwell has totally ignored. China has been aggressive from the day it entered Tibet in October 1950. Let us not forget that China had no border with India till that time. When Nehru acquiesced to the annexation of Tibet, it was a far more serious blunder than the so-called Forward Policy.

    Another blunder of Nehru was to have ‘discovered’ the Aksai Chin road, linking Tibet to Xinjiang, only in 1958 even though it was officially opened to traffic in 1957 and the construction had started several years earlier. Further, Maxwell conveniently forgets that at the end of the 1950s and the early 1960s, Tibet was on the boil, particularly eastern Tibet, north of the McMahon Line. The 70,000 character petition from the Panchen Lama to Zhou on the internal situation in Tibet demonstrates the atrocious suffering of the Tibetan people during the period.

    A few weeks back, while working in the National Archives of India, I came across interesting reports from the Indian Trade Agent in Yatung (Tibet). The Chinese authorities were harassing local Tibetans. For example, they were told that, “[They] should offer scarves to the photograph of Mao Tse-tung which will be displayed in the bazaar. It is no use to worship images in the monasteries which are of no use. Some images from the local monastery were thrown in the latrine or trampled down under their feet in the presence of the gathering.” They were also ordered: “From now onwards, nobody should utter any Hindi word and they should not speak of [to] India Office [Trade Agency] in any matter. They should address Indian merchants here as ‘dogs’.’

    By attacking India, China could effectively and ruthlessly seal the Tibet border and stop the Tibetans taking refuge in India.

    Another factor forgotten in Maxwell’s simplistic approach is the internal power struggle in China. The war was a plank for Chairman Mao to return to power. In Volume III of his Origins of the Cultural Revolution, US scholar Roderick MacFarquhar says, “It is not difficult to understand why Mao launched this sudden [internal] counter-attack [during the 10th Plenum in September 1962]. He was faced with what he saw as fundamental and unacceptable changes in key areas of policy: A rolling back of collectivisation in the countryside which would have undermined his whole vision for a socially transformed China; and a détente with the Soviet Union.” But here too, Maxwell only sees the Chinese side of the coin; it explains why he was so lavishly praised by Zhou.

  2. v.c.krishnan says:

    Dear Shantanu,
    I do not think that both the countries will ever do it again; may be the UPA will derive satisfaction if they come to power that they have contributed to the winning of the peace prize for their PM at the cost of Bharat.
    vck